Jeremy Hanson put a brave face on the outcome on Sunday, declaring that "there's [not] much more that we could have done ... we had great candidates … we took great policies to the election, and the campaign was fantastic". However, in a clear nod towards the fact that carping had begun, Mr Hanson said that he'd be prepared to stand down as leader if he thought it in the party's best interest.

Any official post-mortem will start from the premise that 2016 represented perhaps the party's best chance in 15 years to escape the political wilderness. Labor was burdened by perceptions that it had been in power too long (both for its own and the public's good), that its management of Territory finances, public schools and hospitals had been ordinary at best, and that it has overseen excessive increases in government fees, charges and services.

The Liberals put opposition to light rail at the heart of their campaign, along with a promise to rein in rates increases. It had little alternative in retrospect, having declared its intention to tear up existing contracts if it won office. Bread and butter issues, however, were given equal if not greater prominence in a strategy designed to exploit perceptions of Labor's arrogance while reassuring voters of the Liberals' commitment to better public transport, healthcare and schools.

Two factors appear to have impeded this otherwise sound approach: Labor's tactic of matching some Liberal initiatives, and the at-times underwhelming public performances of Mr Hanson and his deputy, Alistair Coe. Brendan Smyth would have added much-needed depth and experience to the Liberals' campaign had he not accepted a job offer shortly before the election – some may speculate precisely the reason the Chief Minister extended it.

In trying to match Labor at its own game, and not, for example, playing more to its [supposed] strong suit of competent economic management, the Liberals' admittedly slim chances of success were compromised. That is the party's constant dilemma, however.

In a left-leaning electorate such as Canberra, the Liberals cannot realistically hope to secure government without enthusiastically adopting small "l" policies themselves. Yet some of the current crop of MLAs are far from sympathetic to the liberal social values that most Canberrans demand of their representatives.

That reality tends to cast doubt on the wisdom of Mr Coe becoming party leader if Mr Hanson elects to fall on his sword. Yet, if that is the case, who else may be regarded as possible leadership contenders? Without serious evaluation of their performance, and perhaps a commitment to re-inventing themselves, the Canberra Liberals look set for an extended stay in the political wilderness.