As did some early words in his answer. "What suggestions are you picking up there?"

These days Morrison gets out of bed each morning not knowing what disturbing, sometimes bizarre, story might hit him before he retires for the night.

On Thursday, for instance, Nine went to him with evidence Queensland Liberal backbencher Andrew Laming had bullied two local women via Facebook.

Morrison immediately summoned Laming, who was dispatched to the House to retract his comments and make a grovelling apology. On Friday Morrison said Laming's comments had been "disgraceful" and Anthony Albanese said he wasn't fit to stay an MP.

The string of accounts of dreadful behaviour in Parliament House, from alleged rape to government staffers engaging in disgusting sexual acts and so-called "orgies", is making the nation's seat of democracy sound like the set of an X-rated movie.

As we've seen, the broad message of disrespect and much worse from the revelations has lit a fire among women in the community, as they share their own experiences of assault, harassment and denigration with each other and publicly.

In another context, Morrison famously said "you know, I don't hold a hose, mate". But in this crisis engulfing the government, he's frantically on the tools, announcing inquiries, promising initiatives, advocating quotas, delivering mea culpas, declaring empathy, inviting Brittany Higgins to meet.

Often, however, it's one step forward, one back. Like the own goal when he turned aggressive, stupidly blurting out (inaccurate) gossip, during a news conference called to project the image of a caring man who listens.

Now he's forced into a reshuffle, made imperative by the issues surrounding Attorney-General Christian Porter.

In the imminent changes, Porter will be moved out of the Attorney-General portfolio and Defence Minister Linda Reynolds, under fire for her handling of Higgins (and on medical leave), will go from Defence.

In a fig leaf of solidarity - or a sign of stubbornness - Morrison will keep both in cabinet.

Morrison stuck by Porter initially, but it's clear (and presumably spelled out in the Solicitor-General's advice) that he'd be riddled with potential conflicts of interest now he's suing the ABC.

Porter should have stepped down for the good of the government immediately when the allegation of historical rape landed - even though he strongly denies it.

But neither Morrison nor Porter were willing to take that course, arguing it would set a new low bar for forcing ministerial departures.

It's ironic that Porter's move to try to clear his name through the courts will be the catalyst for moving him.

Reynolds' future has been problematic since she entered hospital when under political fire and her heart condition became common knowledge.

The reshuffle - in which Michaelia Cash is tipped to become attorney-general and Peter Dutton defence minister - won't be a magic carpet ride to the other side of this crisis.

Morrison will be helped by having no Parliament until the budget. But allegations and revelations will continue, and striking the right tone and mustering effective responses will remain a struggle for him.

On Thursday Higgins struck again, with a letter to Morrison's chief of staff, John Kunkel, lodging a complaint saying the PM's media team had backgrounded against her partner. This is now being investigated.

On the positive side, the crisis has generated momentum for action on the sex discrimination commissioner's report on workplace sexual harassment - on which little had been done - with a full response to come before the budget.

And Morrison says he's open to quotas to get more Liberal women into Parliament. We'll see where that gritty debate goes within the party.

With the government taking such a battering, the question is how lasting the damage will be. Specifically, at election time next year will a significant number of women take their anger into the polling booth?

Not long ago bold commentators were declaring the election unlosable for Morrison. Now, bets are hedged. But in politics, fallout is often unpredictable.

For example, shortly before the 2004 election, John Howard's credibility came into serious question after a whistleblower made damaging claims about what the then PM had been told in the 2001 "children overboard" affair. Undeterred, Howard made "trust" central when he announced the election, at which he increased his majority.

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Again, when Julia Gillard became PM in June 2010, putting her head to head with Tony Abbott, she instantly boosted Labor's two-party-preferred vote, and nearly twice as many women preferred her to Abbott, according to an Age/Nielsen poll. In August, she almost lost the election.

Situations change incredibly fast, especially in today's hyper cycles.

Also, people have a hierarchy of considerations when they vote. Many women will be critical of Morrison's current performance. But even if some of that feeling remains strong, where will it rate when they vote compared with, say, their judgment on how the government is performing on the economy?

Oppositions mightn't win elections, but opposition leaders have to attract votes for positive reasons (as did Whitlam, Hawke, Rudd) as well as harvesting people's discontent with the government. The Coalition looks shambolic, but Albanese and his party remain unimpressive.

In earlier times, Labor's national conference would be a significant event that could be used by the leader as a rallying moment. However next week's conference, delayed by COVID, will be "virtual", reducing the hoopla. The best Albanese can look for is a good public reaction to whatever policy he decides to announce.

Recent weeks have been appalling for Morrison. They do not give us a pointer to an election result probably roughly a year away. They do indicate the contest looks more open than it appeared as 2021 began.