The backbencher's intervention in parliament on Tuesday, railing against "dictatorial" health bureaucrats and lockdowns, shows internal dissent within the government threatening to muddy the waters.

And with its grip on the House of Representatives precarious, and some backbenchers expressing their own unease at lockdowns, the government is left threading the needle to maintain internal unity and broader confidence in health advice.

And we are left with the spectacle of Nationals leader Barnaby Joyce insisting he is essentially powerless to rein-in his own backbencher.

"You're suggesting that I can demand his silence and he will therefore oblige ... If you have met George, you would know the likelihood of that is near zero," he told the ABC's Fran Kelly on Wednesday.

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"What's your suggestion? I'm open to ideas on how we stop him from saying things he wants to say."

In not mentioning the elephant in the room - expelling Mr Christensen from the party - Mr Joyce revealed the fine line being tiptoed by the government. And what an MP would need to say before the Coalition wipes its hands of them remains unclear.

"You're asking to me to go out and muzzle George Christensen ... and tell him never to speak again. He's a free individual, he can say what he likes. I don't agree with it," Mr Joyce said.

But banishing Mr Christensen, who won't contest the next election, to the crossbench could not silence him. Given he aims to be even less restricted after leaving politics, it may even embolden him.

It would, however, add weight to Deputy Nationals leader David Littleproud's claim the backbencher "does not represent the government" on Covid.

The Coalition allowed Labor to push a motion condemning the backbencher in parliament - a rarity - and even provided the numbers to ensure it was successful.

But the Prime Minister refused to name Mr Christensen directly during debate, instead insisting his government was opposed to misinformation more broadly.

Mr Littleproud embodied that unease on Wednesday, describing the Nationals' support for the motion as "the most powerful and public" statement it could make.

"[We] voted in support of the motion condemning his comments," he said.

Just seconds later, he was arguing Australians had died to protect freedom of speech.

"You should not condemn someone for utilising that right," he said.

And continuing a pattern which began over Andrew Laming, lashed by the government but kept around until the election, Mr Littleproud stressed Mr Christensen would soon quit but was "quite welcome" in the interim.

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Mr Joyce's vague claim to have "had conversations" with Mr Christensen also followed a familiar playbook. The Prime Minister's office in February claimed backbencher Craig Kelly, another proponent of spurious Covid claims, had been given a "dressing down" but did not provide details.

Mr Kelly's regular online interventions, touting unproven treatments for Covid, were creating a political headache for the government at the time.

He ultimately defected to the crossbench - whether he jumped or was pushed remains unclear - voicing a desire to be unshackled from the official government line.

But crucially, the defection meant the government was also unshackled from Craig Kelly. The Coalition retained his vote, but was able to argue he did not truly represent it.

Mr Christensen following suit could solve a political headache. But the government is left threading the needle for now.

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