Few of the club's followers would have known then that, far from dishing up platitudes for the media, Mr Jones's intentions were serious. Nor could they have guessed that, in his desire to bring about change, Mr Jones was fully prepared to crash or crash through.

Fifteen months on, Mr Jones's efforts propel the club to a "world-class level" of marketability and professionalism – and to securing its long-term financial future – have collapsed in acrimony and disarray. The club's financial position, which had seemed assured after a ACT government-sponsored land redevelopment deal in Griffith and a move to a new permanent home at the University of Canberra, looks precarious.

There's a legal cloud over the Griffith deal, and questions have been raised about whether the UC deal was in the Brumbies' best financial interest. A provident fund that was to have been set up with $4 million from the Griffith deal has failed to materialise, infuriating the representatives of the seven Canberra clubs who make up the Brumbies board. It's also probable the franchise's sponsors and fans are in despair over the imbroglio.

With a solid finance, management and sports administration background, Mr Jones seemed an ideal fit for a franchise looking to put itself on a firmer financial footing – even if he did have a reputation as a plain-spoken and occasionally abrasive individual. The Brumbies organisation has never been comfortable with such people, as the contentious departures of former coaches David Nucifora and Andy Friend underlines. That the board took on Mr Jones nevertheless seems to indicate it recognised the necessity of cultural change.

Mr Jones' decision to forensically examine Brumbies finances appears to have been triggered by what he regarded as a dubious and unworkable tenancy deal with the UC struck by former chief executive Andrew Fagan. Since the deal was financed by the proceeds of the Griffith redevelopment, Mr Jones decided this too needed re-examination. The board having been convinced of the wisdom of this proposal, auditors KPMG were engaged. The subsequent report was, in Mr Jones's view sufficiently concerning to take to the Australian Federal Police. Again, the board was persuaded this was the correct course of action, and in September 2015, the AFP was called in.

By then, criticism of Mr Jones had begun to mount, as was probably inevitable. In December, reports emerged of strains in Mr Jones's working relationship with UC vice-chancellor Stephen Parker – and that Mr Jones had had defamation proceedings against him initiated by Professor Parker. In what doubtless was a reaction against his critics, Mr Jones declared on radio last month that he was "being pushed pretty hard at the moment ... if I go to war it's going to be ugly, and there's going to be a lot of people who are going to get burnt by it".

The board's subsequent decision to remove Mr Jones – and his legal efforts to avoid this – have verged on the farcical. As of Friday evening, Mr Jones and the Brumbies board had still to conclude mediation talks intended to secure his agreed departure. Since Mr Jones still has 20 months of his three-year contract to run, a large payout appears possible; potentially further weakening the Brumbies' finances.

If financial irregularities have occurred – and there's no evidence as yet of any wrong-doing – the Brumbies would not be the first sports franchise so affected. But what's unique about this case is that the gift of public land to a profit-making entity lies at its core. The back-door deal the Gallagher government did with the Brumbies was supposed to buy them financial security, and if it's the case that "public money" was mismanaged, an explanation is needed.

The Barr government ought, on behalf of ratepayers, to be demanding clarification – and assurances from the Brumbies that they will not come asking for more handouts, for Australian rugby is in dire financial straits. Instead it has been largely absent from proceedings. Then again, ACT Labor's record in sporting deals of questionable public benefit worth is long and involved.

Correction: An earlier version of this editorial said the Stanhope government had overseen the deal with the Brumbies over its land in Griffith. The deconcessionalisation in 2012 and lease-variation waiver in 2013 took place under the government of Katy Gallagher. Mr Stanhope resigned in May 2011.