The Registered Organisations Commission, a union regulator first promised in May 2013 and one of the two triggers for July's double dissolution, became law.

Superannuation changes that caused such consternation on the Coalition backbench during the election were also passed; these deliver a net improvement to the budget bottom line of about $3 billion, and curb some of the more lucrative tax breaks available to the well-off.

In question time, the Prime Minister rediscovered some of the fire in his belly, giving as good as he got to Bill Shorten, with a commensurate boost to backbench morale.

In fact, the first four-and-something months of this Turnbull government have seen other reforms carefully steered through a House with a razor-thin majority and a well-hung Senate; the omnibus savings bill, part of an overall $20 billion in total savings has been passed (sending a crucial message to trigger-happy ratings agencies monitoring the AAA rating) as has a small personal income tax cut to 500,000 middle-income earners.

More broadly, there is also – finally – the prospect of asylum seekers being shifted out of offshore detention, while the Paris climate deal has been ratified, 25 consecutive years of economic growth have been notched up, as have laws to protect CFA volunteers and a crackdown on dodgy TAFE providers is on the way.

Turnbull and his team have proved more adept at negotiating with the Senate crossbench than their predecessors and things are actually getting done.

The hoped-for passage of laws to re-establish the Australian Building and Construction Commission next week will cap a year of incremental achievements.

But few people thought of Turnbull as the "great incrementalist" when he became Prime Minister in September 2015.

If the Prime Minister and his government are to properly revive their fortunes in 2017 they need to become a whole lot better, fast, at selling their achievements, framing their opponents and making political opportunities, rather than simply responding to events.

This is a government that sorely lacks spear carriers: political attack dogs like Tony Abbott was for John Howard, willing to go out and take the fight to the opposition.

Too many ministers are either passengers or political liabilities, and talk has already turned to how, when and who Turnbull will re-shape his frontbench – be it in December, February or July next year.

If it was a good week for the Coalition, why does Turnbull need to reshape his frontbench?

Events, once again, made the case.

Dangers seemingly lurk around every corner for a government with a one-seat majority and some deep divisions of social policy.

Newspoll showed the Coalition still trails Labor in the 47-53 two party-preferred vote; Deloitte Access Economics' budget update showed another budget deficit blowout is just around the corner; right on cue one of the ratings agencies sounded another AAA warning.

Treasurer Scott Morrison confessed the return-to-surplus timeline was at the whim of "parameter variations" (translation: if slow wages growth and company receipts don't improve, all bets are off).

The One Nation sideshow rolled on, with Senator Rod Culleton so ably redefining the word recondite there are unconfirmed reports the Oxford folk are planning on updating their dictionary with his mugshot; three Nationals cabinet minister missed a vote re-affirming a ban on the Adler shotgun; another Senate vote on the passenger movement charge, part of the backpacker tax changes, was lost and Abbott revealed that a sequel to his book, Battlelines, is under way.

And Peter Dutton opened up debate about "mistakes" made in the 1970s with Lebanese Muslim migration, and the fact that 22 of the last 33 people charged with terrorism-related offences were second and third-generation Lebanese Australians.

The Immigration Minister might have had the statistics on his side – as well as the conservative wing of the Coalition in Tuesday's party room meeting, where debate flared – but it's hard to see how the comments help a government (except perhaps in Queensland, where the One Nation vote is strong) that has had significant difficulties reaching out to ethnic communities, and which is trying to have a civilised debate about changing section 18C of the Racial Discrimination Act.

The comments were a gift to Shorten, a merciless opposition leader who ruthlessly exploits opportunities, and who some on the government benches continue to underestimate to their peril.

Dutton fumed in Parliament that he would "not be misrepresented by this great fraud of Australian politics" and that "when I see extremism, I will call it out".

Turnbull was left with nowhere to go; repudiate the comments and hang a key minister out to dry, or back in his minister – as he did – and get whacked by accusations that "old Malcolm" would have responded differently.

Ironically, Dutton is one of the few government ministers who has shown the ability and willingness to attack Shorten and Labor.

Five days later, on Friday, Turnbull was still in a defensive crouch, backing in his minister.

Meanwhile, Shorten largely avoided scrutiny over the revelation his legal affairs spokesman Mark Dreyfus threatened to resign – but didn't – over the appointment of Kimberley Kitching to a senate vacancy. If George Brandis had made a similar threat to Turnbull, it's hard to imagine the opposition allowing such an opportunity to pass (despite Christopher Pyne's best efforts).

There is no room for this sort of divisive distraction in 2017.

And there is already talk in Coalition ranks about a reshuffle, focused on three cabinet ministers, to strengthen the team next year; Nationals' veteran Nigel Scullion, accident-prone Attorney-General Brandis and media-shy Defence Minister Marise Payne.

If this trio were to step aside, so the theory goes, these moves would follow: Social Services Minister Christian Porter would move to fill Brandis' post, while his junior minister, Alan Tudge, would move up to fill the senior post.

That would create a vacancy for the talented Angus Taylor to move to the outer ministry and in turn create a spot for backbench MP Michael Sukkar to become a parliamentary secretary.

Scullion's cabinet post could be filled by Michael McCormack, if not the portfolio; this would help correct the imbalance in the number of senators in cabinet. Hard-working junior minister Keith Pitt would move up, and someone – perhaps the ambitious senator Bridget McKenzie – would become an assistant minister.

And if Payne – who is said to not enjoy the best relationship with Defence top brass – were to move, the irrepressible Pyne would take over her duties and there would once again be a single senior Defence minister in cabinet. Room may also be found for one of a trio of WA MPs – Andrew Hastie, Linda Reynolds or Melissa Price – to become an assistant minister.

There is also talk that Dutton and Workplace Minister Michaelia Cash could be handed new assignments, but stay in cabinet.

These moves would station strong media performers in key portfolios and allow the government to better make its case in 2017.

The early months of next year promise debate over company tax cuts, the promised diverted profits tax, changes to paid parental leave, a review of the Direct Action climate policy and cost of living issues (to say nothing of "Aussie jobs".)

To get back on the front foot and seize the political agenda, rather than be shaped by it, Turnbull needs to reshape his team so the government can put its collective best foot forward and kick fewer own goals.

Incrementalism ain't gonna cut it.

James Massola is Chief Political Reporter. Peter Hartcher is on assignment.

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