The spat between China and Australia has big consequences for the money in our pockets.
China has put a tariff of just over 80 per cent on Australian exports of barley. It's the same as taxing Australian exports of the grain. The result is that it nearly doubles in price for Chinese buyers - so much so that Chinese buyers will look elsewhere.
China says that Australia unfairly dumps barley on Chinese markets, dumping it at a price below a fair market price.
Australia denies that strongly.
Either way, the tariff will hurt Australian farmers because they sell barley worth between $1.5 billion and $2 billion to China every year.
And there aren't many alternative world markets for Australian barley growers who compete with French, Canadian, Argentinean and some smaller European barley growers.
And with American farmers who may get Chinese orders switched from Australia.
Even if Australian growers do get sales elsewhere, like to Saudi Arabia, it would be at a lower price.
Is that the end of the matter?
It is not.
The rhetoric is being ratcheted up. The editor of the Chinese state-controlled Global Times said: "Australia is always there, making trouble. It is a bit like chewing gum stuck on the sole of China's shoes. Sometimes you have to find a stone to rub it off."
China has threatened more tariffs on Australian exporters. The Chinese ambassador said his country might boycott Australian beef, wine, tourism and universities. A few days later, Beijing suspended imports from four of Australia's largest meat processors, worth about 20 per cent of Australian beef exports to China.
And there is a threat to increase inspections of Australian iron ore shipments at Chinese ports. More bureaucracy increases costs for exporters.
On top of all this, the authorities in Beijing are urging Chinese state-owned power stations to use domestically mined coal. This may be another not-so-coded threat to an Australian export industry.
So it's just about money?
China is not saying so but there is a widespread perception that this dispute is really about politics.
Australia has done two things which displease Beijing.
In 2018, the Chinese government was annoyed by the Australian government's decision to ban Huawei from involvement in the planned Australian 5G broadband network on security grounds.
The federal government's argument, echoed by the British, is that the Chinese telecoms firm is close to, and can't run without the approval of, the Chinese Communist government, so letting it into the heart of Australian telecommunications was a real security risk.
And, secondly, China was angered when the Australian government echoed President Trump's call for an inquiry into the origins of the coronavirus, pointing straight at China.
Are bigger politics involved?
There may well be.
President Trump has been calling the coronavirus "the Chinese virus".
His polling numbers are dropping in the blue-collar American states which just about pushed him into power nearly four years ago. Blaming China for the virus as it wreaks havoc on the American economy may help him retain the Oval Office in the election in November.
Critics of Mr Morrison's government wonder if the Australian prime minister is dancing to Mr Trump's tune, either inadvertently or by design as a way of keeping Mr Trump sweet.
Mr Trump called for the enquiry and so did Mr Morrison. It pleased the American president and annoyed the Chinese premier.
Secondly, there may be a monetary motive. Mr Trump has been pressing China to buy more American exports - like barley - so the Chinese tariff may divert orders from Australia to the United States.
Are there any other Australian connections?
There may be.
Rupert Murdoch's Australian papers are hammering away at the "Chinese virus" theme.
Virtually every issue of The Daily Telegraph mentions it, often with banner headlines like "RED ARMY VIRUS PROBE". Mr Murdoch's views are often reflected in his papers. By all accounts, he is close to Mr Trump.
The Financial Times draws a link between Mr Trump, Mr Murdoch and the coverage in Australia: "Australia's Daily Telegraph, a tabloid owned by Rupert Murdoch, ran an apparent scoop that the 'Five Eyes' - the intelligence agencies of the US, the UK, Australia, Canada and New Zealand - had concluded the disease came from the Wuhan lab, whether by accident or design."
The story was widely dismissed, but it played strongly in the United States, particularly on Fox News which is the channel of choice of Mr Trump and his supporters.
Under this theory, Mr Trump, Mr Murdoch and Mr Morrison are acting in accord.
What is the bigger picture?
China and the United States are vying for influence, particularly in our part of the world.
As China rises, Australia has to decide how to react. What weight should it put on the longer term, post-Trump relationship with the United States? Is the alliance what it was - and if not should Australia strengthen its links to countries like South Korea, Japan, Indonesia and Malaysia in a bloc of the middle-sized Pacific countries?
Should it be a bit more bullish in its dealings with China as China pushes its weight around?
China has a habit of threatening countries which defy it. The Global Times which speaks with the Beijing government's voice said that Chinese tourists might boycott New Zealand over its ban on Huawei in the 5G network there. Canada arrested a Huawei executive and China then arrested two Canadians who remain in jail 18 months later.
Nobody knows how the world will look after the coronavirus crisis.
China is exerting more influence in small countries from Africa to the Pacific by offering economic aid. Its military power is rising. Will Mr Trump's "America First" stance put allies off?
Displeasing China has a cost.
But not standing up to bullies has a cost, too.