Liam Cotter and Paul Girrawah House have much in common. They were born a year or so apart, both grew up and settled in the south-eastern region, and both are committed family men. They share a friendship forged over the years, a friendship with exceptional roots.
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In 1824 Irish convict Garrett Cotter's master brought him to Lake George. Fresh charges in 1832 resulted in the unusual sentence of a four-year banishment "beyond the limits of location". Cotter's life-saver in a harsh and lonely mountain environment turned out to be an Indigenous leader usually known as Onyong.
The English argot of the day identified him as a "Chief of the Namwich tribe". In another contemporary account he was "tall and well made". Cotter family history tells that it was this man and his people who led young Garrett into their `Namwich' (Namadgi) country and beyond, and that his survival owed much to their friendship and support.
In later years Cotter was pardoned and settled in the range high above the Murrumbidgee. Now he was able to offer Onyong safe haven in a time of internecine conflict, and did so until his friend's death in 1852. The black leader's part in the white man's redemption has never been forgotten by the Cotter family.
This month, two descendants have met up again to revisit the story so often shared at events organised to celebrate that original friendship. But their latest get-together has an extra focus, for both men and their families are keen supporters of the Voice.
"It won't solve all our problems," says Paul House, "but it is a positive, powerful and practical step. Without it, nothing is likely to change."
Liam Cotter agrees. "We're stuck in the cycle of an awful reality. It's a simple matter of trust, of agreeing to allow Aboriginal people to represent themselves through their leaders and elders."
Each man sees the Voice through the lens of their shared history. "It would have been a big thing then for a white outcast and a black leader, without any real language, to show respect for each other", says Liam Cotter.
House chimes in: "Yes. They respected each other's voice. They reached out to each other and communicated. Liam and I embrace our common story because we're both proud of it, and because it speaks to respect, to partnership, and to empowerment. "
Without it, nothing is likely to change.
- Ngambri elder Paul House
There are even closer parallels to today. "We must talk," continues Paul House. "Not argue - communicate like those old fellas did. In the end their survival depended on that. Really depended. Having a Voice can truly be seen as a matter of survival, of life and death for our people. We all know the facts of infant mortality, prison numbers, short lifespan and suicide. No one else has found the answers. Let us be able to suggest our own to those in power."
Liam Cotter backs House up. "It's simple enough. For non-Indigenous voters like me, if we say 'yes', it's unlikely to affect us. But if we vote 'no', it's likely to affect the Aboriginal people very badly."
Both men are struggling with the media coverage. "They want to show both sides of the story," says Cotter. "Fair enough. But a few loud black voices are enough to give the impression there's a 50/50 split in the Indigenous vote. Not true. The vast majority of First Nations people definitely want the Voice to get up. Uluru demonstrated that."
Their frustrations surface as the conversation goes on. Paul Girrawah House is keen to emphasise the positive, but it is impossible for either man to ignore the naysayers. Division? Of course there is, says House.
"Since the referendum was announced, Mr Dutton has created division, and continues to fuel it with misinformation and deception. More people were inclined to vote 'yes' before he began his negative campaign ... On balance it has been far more negative than it might have been. We don't want division! We want to heal the scars by reconciling the past with the present for a better future for everyone."
Cotter is similarly frustrated by objections to the Advisory Body. "It's so simple - it's just advisory. There are dozens of advisory bodies to executive government, and no one worries about them ... Those other bodies don't risk dysfunctional government. Neither would this one."
He reflects further on Onyong and his own great-great grandfather. "They lived and worked alongside each other during those years, and gave lots to each other ... And I'm sure there was more than one Garrett Cotter in those days."
Beyond the deep hurt a rejection would cause black leaders who have looked to this moment for half a lifetime, Cotter and House see other consequences. "Apart from the silly suggestion of another referendum, there's no plan B," says House. "If we ignore the wishes of all those representative bodies - native title committees, land councils, elected community leaders and so on - who decides on solutions then? This is so simple, such a clear, positive step forward."
"And what's more," adds Cotter, "if 'no' gets up, we're going to have to deal with international condemnation - it has started already."
As his people have done so often, House speaks from the heart. "I want my children and grandchildren to enjoy the same quality of life as Liam's children and grandchildren. How can we achieve that without a Voice?"
