If she does, remarkably, she will be the fourth generation of Downers in Australian federal politics. Her grandfather was also a federal government minister and later High Commissioner to London and her great-grandfather was a senator at the time of Federation and Premier of South Australia.

This remarkable occurrence is a most striking example of the persistent role of political families in democracies not only in Australian but in world politics. Dictatorships like North Korea are another matter. Furthermore, this is happening at a time when there is considerable publicity, stimulated by the resignation on family grounds of Tim Hammond, the MP for Perth, about how tough political life is on families.

In Australia only the three generations of the Anthonys (Hubert, Doug and Larry) in the National Party can match this extended run, but the phenomenon is widespread. Only recently Australia boasted three state premiers, Mike Baird in New South Wales, Campbell Newman in Queensland and Will Hodgman in Tasmania whose fathers (and mother also in Newman’s case) were federal or state ministers of significant standing.

There are many other prominent Australian political families which have produced generations not just of elected representatives but government ministers, such as Labor’s Beazleys and Creans. There are many more including Labor’s McLellands and Fitzgibbons and the Liberals’ Wilsons as well as the two Labor Speakers of the House of Representatives from the Jenkins family.

At the state level there have been the Courts in Western Australia and the Playfords in South Australia for the Liberals. Labor had the Burkes in Western Australia and the Cains in Victoria. In the ACT Labor has produced the Berrys, father Wayne and daughter Yvette.

These are elected representatives in a direct line of descent. The numbers are greater if you also include the wider family-uncles, aunts, cousins, in-laws and increasingly couples, such as Anthony Albanese and Carmel Tebbutt in NSW Labor.

Malcolm Turnbull and Bill Shorten are indirectly members of such families. Turnbull entered the Hughes family when he married Lucy, whose father was a federal Liberal minister. Shorten’s first wife was the daughter of a federal Liberal MP.

Political families are remarkably numerous. By my rough estimate up to 8-10 per cent of elected representatives come from political families narrowly defined and perhaps 15-20 per cent from political families more broadly defined to include the wider family including in-laws. Political life, with all its costs and rewards, is in the genes of some families.

Such families usually stick to the one party, but not always. The Victorian Delahuntys, for example, have represented both the Nationals and Labor at ministerial level in state politics. The Queensland Katters have deserted the Nationals for Independent and minor party politics.

Before considering the implications of this phenomenon two points must be noted. This is an international pattern. The United States has the Bushes, the Clintons and the Kennedys (the latter a vast political clan), while Canada has the Trudeaus. The Ghandis and the Nehrus have dominated Indian politics and the Le Pens have been a constant feature of extreme nationalist politics in France.

Nor is the phenomenon of generations of the one family sticking to the same profession or industry an isolated thing. The military, medicine, law and the public service exhibit a similar pattern. Where inheritance is a factor, in farming and other family businesses, it is quite common too, of course. Monarchies are family businesses. But democracies are not meant to be based upon inheritance.

Politicians like other parents are role models and family members like Georgina Downer and Alexander Downer before her learn by example. They have been socialised to believe that public life is not just worthwhile but enjoyable enough to make the sacrifices worth it. They see their parents in action as politicians and ministers. They share in the social benefits, including the privilege of attending public events as VIPs and meeting famous people from all walks of life, including foreign leaders. They see that their parents are appreciated.

The seed is sown. Politics becomes a potential life cause and career. Some political children are effectively trained for politics, learning skills such as networking and public speaking. They are turned on rather than turned off by politics.

Other advantages are more specific. Family members in the next generation are given an early introduction to their political party and may take up membership at a young age. Compared to other aspirants they benefit from family goodwill, mentors and networks. Nepotism is not unknown.

Advocates of representative democracy should account for political families. Democracy is meant to be an open contest, so any insider politics is anti-democratic. Family politics makes political representation dangerously exclusive if it is too common, effectively clogging up the representative process. So long as selection processes are transparent there is less to worry about, but turnover, not just between parties but between families, is still beneficial.

There is no evidence that members of this exclusive political class based upon families offer more than others with no such family background. Campbell Newman failed conclusively despite his family pedigree. Newcomers, like Georgina Downer should she be successful, have some early advantages and prime sources of advice. But being in the family business is no key to success as a politician.

John Warhurst is an Emeritus Professor of Political Science at the Australian National University